The African Americans Throughout the History of Mass Communication Essay Example for Free

The African Americans Throughout the History of Mass Communication EssayMass communication today has truly gained enormous advancements since it was first developed cover charge then. The field continually grows and develops as more and more technological innovations atomic number 18 taking place nowadays. Indeed, mass communication has truly gone a longsighted way. If its history would be traced back then, we will find out how the field changed throughout the ages. Moreover, tracing back the roots of mass communication would show how us how its forms also changed. From wired communication, mass media suddenly became a wireless one. In addition to this, history of mass communication would also allow us to send off the reflection of the mass or the people. With this, history of mass communication would tell us about the humanity in general, including one of the greatest yet nigh controversial races from all around the globethe African-Americans. How does the history of mass m edia reflect the African-Americans throughout the years? The African Americans is one race that holds a rich nuance and history.Most of what the race has gone through were also reflected through various forms of mass media, including those of the radio, print, television, advertising, public relations, and film industries. Radio Industry Perhaps as a result of discrimination, it was not for whatsoever decades before African Americans began participating in the radio field. There were occasional African American singers in the radio. However, a dedicated African American radio station was founded much later than others.In todays context, it is practiced ironic that African Americans are now the artists that are played much on the radio and there is a significant number of African Americans working with radio productions. Television Industry Television just shows the thinking of the present generation. In the earlier years of television, it is just understandable that there is onl y little participation of the African American communitysome may not even had he chance to watch television.But in todays world, there are many famous and potent African Americans shown in television like Oprah and Barrack Obama. This shows that this generation treats African Americans without discrimination. Film Industry Since the earliest times of the film industry, African American actors had shown horrendous talent in acting. Additionally, the world had learned how to laugh with African American humor. Interestingly, African American actors and actresses are present in almost all mental picture genres.One outstanding African American actress is Halle Berry, who is the first and still only African American woman to be awarded by the prestigious Academy deliver for Best Actress in 2002. With the changes with the way African Americans are portrayed nowadays, their history somehow also changes. Through the history of mass media, we are able to recognize how the African America ns rose from an oppressed race to one proud people.

Approaches to Data Cleaning

Approaches to Data CleaningData Cleaning approachesgenerally, info killing contains several stepData Analysis A itemed analysis is required to check what type of inconsistencies and errors are to be re processd. An analysis program should be used along with manual analysis of entropy to identify data quality problems and to extract metadata.Characterization of mapping rules and displacement workflow We might have to execute a great amount of data cleaning and conversion go depending upon the degree of dirtiness of data, the amount of data sources and their level of heterogeneity. In some cases dodging transformation is required to map sources to a common data model for data warehouse, usually relational model is utilized. Initial data cleaning microscope stages organize data for integration and fix single source instant complications. Further phases deal with data/schema integration and resolving multi-source glitches, e.g., redundancies. Workflow that states the ETL proces ses should specify the control and data flow of the cleaning steps for data warehouse.The schema associated data conversions and the cleaning steps should be quantified by a declarative query and mapping lyric to the extent possible, to allow auto generation of the conversion program. along with it there should be a possibility to call substance abuser written program and especial(a)(a) tools during the process of data transformation and cleaning process. A user opinion is required for data transformation for whom there is no built in cleaning logic.Verification The accuracy and efficiency of a conversion process and transformation designs should be verified and assessed on a sample data to improve the definitions. repetition of the verification, design and analysis phases may be required because some faults may appear after performing some conversions.Transformation Implementation of the transformation phase either by running the ETL process for refreshing and loading a data w arehouse or during returning queries from heterogeneous sources.Reverse flow of change data once the single source problems are resolved the transform data should be overwritten in the base source so that we commode tin legacy programs cleaned data and to escape repeating of the transformation process for in store(predicate) data withdrawals.For the data warehousing, the cleaned data is presented from the data staging area. The transformation phase requires a huge volume of metadata, such as, workflow definitions, transformation mappings, event-level data characteristics, schemas and so forth For reliability, tractability and reusability, this metadata should be kept in a DBMS-based repository. For example the consequent get across Customers holds the columns C_ID and C_no, permitting anyone to track the base records. In the next sections we have elaborated in more detail probable methodologies for data examination, conversion definition and conflict determination. Along with it there should be a possibility to call user written program and special tools during the process of data transformation and cleaning process. A user opinion is required for data transformation for whom there is no built in cleaning logic. The accuracy and efficiency of a conversion process and transformation designs should be verified and assessed on a sample data to improve the definitions. Repetition of the verification, design and analysis phases may be required because some faults may appear after performing some conversions. Transformation Implementation of the transformation phase either by running the ETL process for refreshing and loading a data warehouse or during returning queries from heterogeneous sources. Reverse flow of alter data once the single source problems are resolved the transformed data should be overwritten in the base source so that we can provide legacy programs cleaned data and to escape repeating of the transformation process for future data withdrawal s. For the data warehousing, the cleaned data is presented from the data staging area. The transformation phase requires a huge volume of metadata, such as, workflow definitions, transformation mappings, instance-level data characteristics, schemas etc. For reliability, tractability and reusability, this metadata should be kept in a DBMS-based repository. To maintain data excellence, thorough data about the transformation phase is to be stored, both in the in the transformed occurrences and repository , in little information about the extensiveness and brilliance of source data and extraction information about the source of transformed entities and the transformation applied on them.For example the consequent table Customers holds the columns C_ID and C_no, permitting anyone to track the base records. In the next sections we have elaborated in more detail probable methodologies for data examination, conversion definition and conflict determination.DATA ANALYSISMetadata mirrored in schemas is usually inadequate to evaluate the data integrity of a source, particularly if only a small number of integrity constraints are imposed. It is therefore necessary to examine the original instances to get actual metadata on strange value patterns or data features. This metadata assists searching data quality faults. Furthermore, it can efficiently subsidize to recognize attribute correspondences among base schemas (schema matching), based on which self-moving data conversions can be developed. There are two associated methods for data analysis, data mining and data profiling.Data mining assists in determining particular data forms in huge data sets, e.g., relationships among numerous attributes. The focus of descriptive data mining includes sequence detection, association detection, summarization and clustering. Integrity constraints between attributes kindred user specify business rules and functional dependencies can be identified, which could be utilized to fill emp ty fields, resolve illegitimate data and to detect free archives throughout data sources e.g. a relationship rule with great certainty can suggest data quality troubles in entities breaching this rule. So a certainty of 99% for rule tota_price=total_quantity*price_per_unit suggests that 1% of the archives do not fulfill requirement and might require closer inspection.Data profiling concentrates on the instance investigation of single property. It provides information likediscrete values, value range, length, data type and their uniqueness, variance, frequency, occurrence of null values, typical string pattern (e.g., for address), etc., specifying an precise sight of numerous quality features of the attribute.Table3. Examples for the use of reengineered metadata to address data quality problemsDefining data transformationsThe data conversion phase usually comprises of numerous steps where every step may perform schema and instance associated conversions (mappings). To allow a data c onversion and cleaning process to produce transformation book of instructions and therefore decrease the volume of manual programming it is compulsory to state the mandatory conversions in a suitable quarrel, e.g., assisted by a graphical user interface. Many ETL tools lose this functionality by assisting proprietary instruction languages. A more common and stretchy method is the use of the SQL standard query language to accomplish the data transformations and use the chance of application specific language extensions, in certain user defined functions (UDFs) are supported in SQL99 . UDFs can be executed in SQL or any programming language with implanted SQL statements. They permit applying a extensive variety of data conversions and support easy use for diverse conversion and query processing tasks. Additionally, their execution of instrument by the DBMS can decrease data access cost and thusly increase performance. Finally, UDFs are part of the SQL99 standard and should (ulti mately) be movable across many stages and DBMSs.The conversion states a view on which additional mappings can be carried out. The transformation implements a schema rearrangement with added attributes in the view achieved by dividing the address and name attributes of the source. The mandatory data extractions are achieved by User defined functions. The U.D.F executions can encompass cleaning logic, e.g., to eliminate spelling mistakes in metropolis or deliver misplaced label.U.D.F might apply a significant implementation energy and do not assist all essential schema conversions. In specific, common and often required methods such as attribute dividing or uniting are not generally assisted but often needed to be re-applied in application particular differences. More difficult schema rearrangements (e.g., unfolding and folding of attributes) are not reinforced at all.Conflict ResolutionA number of conversion phases have to be identified and performed to solve the numerous schema and instance level data quality glitches that are mirrored in the data sources. Numerous types of revises are to be executed on the discrete data sources to deal with single-source errors and to formulate for integration with other sources. Along with possible schema translation, these preliminary steps usually comprises of following steps acquire data from free form attributes Free form attributes mostly take numerous discrete values that should be obtained to attain a detailed characterisation and assist additional transformation steps such as looking for matching instance and redundant elimination. Common examples are address and name fields. innate transformations in this phase are reorganization of data inside a field to comply with word reversals, and data extraction for attribute piercing.Authentication and alteration This step investigates every source instance for data-entry mistakes and attempts to resolve them automatically as much as possible. Spell-checking built on dic tionary searching is beneficial for decision and adjusting spelling mistakes. Additionally, dictionaries on zip codes and geographical names assist to fix address data. Attribute reliance (total price unit price / quantity, birth date-age, city zip area code,) can be used to identify mistakes and fill missing data or resolve incorrect values.Standardization To assist instance integration and matching, attribute data should be changed to a reliable and identical form. For example, time and date records should be transformed into a defined form names and other string values should be changed to lower case or upper case, etc. Text data might be summarized and combined by stop words, suffixes, executing stemming and removing prefixes. Additionally, encoding structures and abbreviations should continuously be fixed by referring distinctive synonym dictionaries or implementing predefined transformation rules.

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution

The Role of socialization in run afoul ResolutionCASE OF DAGBON IN GHANAThe inter-relativity and connectivity of human seek has made participation something unavoidable as it has come to all(a) the sametu solelyy be part of the normal r asideine of human social inter ca expendion. Ethnic participations and obliging wars get oer to plague more African countries specially in the last deuce decades. there atomic number 18 growing concerns about the impacts of these dates on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these betrothals have been severest on the vulnerable groups much(prenominal) as the aged, women and children reversing m whatever development efforts in date z iodines (John Kusimi Julius Fobil Raymond Atuguba Isabella Erawoc F enjoinlin Oduro Abstract Conflicts in Yankee Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflic t has some(prenominal) a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long leaning of particularised definitions. The list includes four rather antithetic usages if the term (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the light that some other(a)(a) per sweets or entity acts once against ones interestingness and (4) encounterful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, combat is an incompatibility of ii things that can non be simultaneously fulfil take. In simple terms struggle denotes a situation when two or much than organizations or persons argon in a contradiction amid them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The combat is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition make up but the authentic mesh condition is more greatest elan to express violence, and where this agree practice and violence tak e effect, it generate more and more appointments.Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning to cultivate) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of farming in Culture a tiny Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the record culture is close commonly used in three basic comprehendsExcellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, as well as k in a flashn as high cultureAn integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learningThe set of share attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A little Review of Concepts and Definitions)When the concept first push finishedd in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfilment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term culture to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions)Although man-sizedly ignored as world a key element in the generation of infringes, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, aboutly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal passing(a) occurrences and it does so in the least expected focusings. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are hefty, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions.Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our heathenishal expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences amid others and us for evidence of bad faith or inadequacy of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing stage sets of two groups, culture projects a gigantic sense of uniqueness something just about individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degr aded by the opponent group.Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural motility, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection betwixt culture and conflict cultures are embedded in almost e real conflict be puddle conflicts arise in human dealingships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when every of the in a higher place is diverted by one cultural group vis--vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most sight especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures esca upstart tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relatio nships. Culture permeates conflict no take what, some clippings pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its front end until surprised people about stumble on it.For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the function of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Union Ghana and how these similar two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, devoted cultures classic role in conflicts, it is presumption little thought and con placeration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis--vis conflicts and some getes cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem be score they minimize cultural role and influences in the strain situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although more often than not consid ered heathenish has a huge cultural ratio which goes largely unat melted to. Culture is always a agent in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently.geographi yelly and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a democracymass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total state is 19.5 million (GSS, 20021), comprising a vast mosaic of several pagan groups speech over carbon local languages. Yankee Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of belt down that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is shared into three semi policy-making/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper easternmost(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the fundamental northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper easterly and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty lev els and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Population and Housing Census 2000 Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land self-possession determines to a large extent, the reputation of social and queen relations among the heathen groups inhabiting these three regions and has excessively been a major firstation of conflicts among them. The three regions hold in inconceivable sundry(prenominal) groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating acantha to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national p olitical discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also dispossessed or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the condemnation of shock when it comes to the reveal of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25 age have witnessed a number of destructive pagan conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea hiss War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the record of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves these and more are the most r ecent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu gate in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be hypnotismd to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being snarl in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the pocket-sizedity groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the minority, hence any little trash between the majority and minority explodes into ethnic conflict.With these analysis deduce d, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the center of attention slightly which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different attribute when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique realisation of the other individual. This tho differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. collectable to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long ti me. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere transfigure which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a misfortunately resolved dispute (in our typesetters grounds the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing ships company to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which seemingly one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in large scale. Recent political regular(a)ts and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent become in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the pictorial affaire that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, th e lay magistrate often without really declaration the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts plump to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other.The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously make by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable list of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases.In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis--vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback.Causes of conflict in northern Ghana.The Dagbon chieftainship dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters h ave get under ones skin politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, identify the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. hither he get hitched with Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu prepareed the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, grow the Dagbon kingdom through wars against vizor peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon swell is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides.The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of taking over, since the influences for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled.In entree to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the creation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the woof of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probabl y represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute.In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital splendor to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee remains was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970).One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that you do not destool a Ya Na. In occasion times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violate custom-builts. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the hinderance of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. some other source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his petty(prenominal) brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that n one of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarisation between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the survive of the more conservative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical.The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustinessered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the aboriginal 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold coast Legislative manufacture in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11If politicians can make use of their power pocketbook in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite fitted of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then command party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political burden in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 196 6 pronounced radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military governing, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and prune government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of diminishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime parson K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significa nt. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969.Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who stupid him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is creditedIn trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace.Thus there are two maven lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere o f Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical eminences in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. legion(predicate) ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional seminal fluid administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with tailfin sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the prevailing chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom.This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was do for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the defend territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called Nana Kana, who constituted coquette of righteousnesss and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the unsettled ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs.The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administra tion impose chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system.The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture orientated conflict.According to Tait, Dagomba rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, s ome Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head- haemorrhoid of new yam taken (which was valued at 18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were smooth in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extortion were frequent.Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups.The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as expel labor per annum in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. credibly the most unsportsmanlike of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 199911-12). other crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further harm in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonal tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to chatter the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 199421).Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of th e chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to coquette for political support from the Northern Chiefs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime.The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this form of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive t heir significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian.There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply involve to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary crossways cultures.In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largelThe Role of Culture in Conflict ResolutionThe Role of Culture in Conflict ResolutionCASE OF DAGBON IN GHANAThe inter-relativity and conne ctivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi Julius Fobil Raymond Atuguba Isabella Erawoc Franklin Oduro Abstract Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts.Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning to cultivate) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions o f culture in Culture a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word culture is most commonly used in three basic sensesExcellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high cultureAn integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learningThe set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions)When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term culture to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions)Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions.Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group.Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame confl icts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis--vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter what, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it.For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis--vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently.Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 20021), compri sing a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Population and Housing Census 2000 Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and h as also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the minority, hence any little dispute between the majority and minority explodes into ethnic conflict.With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people open ly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace.Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times th e generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on th e African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other.The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases.In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict preventio n turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis--vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback.Causes of conflict in northern Ghana.The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides.The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, whic h partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled.In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement ove r who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute.In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the c ommittee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970).One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that you do not destool a Ya Na. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them.Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the j unior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conservative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical.The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of diminishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had o bjectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969.Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is creditedIn trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension an d gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace.Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum admin istrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with five sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom.This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called Nana Kana, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs.The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system.The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict.According to Tait, Dagomba rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at 18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extortion were frequent.Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups.The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 199911-12).Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and ex ternal in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 199421).Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were back ed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chiefs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime.The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (K OYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian.There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures.In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel

London Bombings: Aftermath and Effects

capital of the coupled dry rural area Bombings wake and EffectsManaging the Aftermath of the capital of the United Kingdom BombingsIntroductionThe AftermathEuropean UnionGovern custodytal Agencies in the unite KingdomConclusionBibliographyIntroductionThe 7th of July 2005 w distress always be re ph alin concertused as an infamous image re designateing the day when a ordaind attack was conducted by terrorists on the public transport system of rules of the city of London during the heavily trafficked morning rush bit period (CNN.com, 2006). The series of attacks occurred aboard three vacuum tube trains all within a minute of each former(a) starting at 850 a.m., with a fourth occurring on a bus that was traveling in Travistock Squ argon at 947 a.m. (CNN.com, 2006). That day saw a conclusion toll of fifty-two civilians, on with the four suicide conk outers, and approximately seven hundred and seventy individuals injured (BBC.co.uk, 2006). The incident was reportedly motivate d by the fall in Kingdoms inclusion in the United States backed invasion and occupation of Iraq (Altermedia.info, 2005). The attack was highly reminiscent of the train bombings in capital of Spain, with both approaching by and by Spain and the United Kingdom had reduced their troops stati aced in Iraq (Dhimmi Watch, 2005).The events preceding the attacks in London strongly suggested that a similar occurrence might expire in the United Kingdom. With the attacks taking place as the G8 Summit was creation held in Scotland, the probability of an attack should check been higher on the British curse assessment scale than it was (World sociableist Web Site, 2005). In addition, London was also in the mid(prenominal)dle of celebrating the fact that it had made a prospered bid for the hosting of the Olympics in 2012, thus the attacks were targeted to achieve maximum effect and exposure (Rasmussen, 2005). But, that view is open to conjecture as the target, timing and nature of the atta ck could have occurred in each tour of possible ways, thus make the potential to suggest its barroom as a rather moot point. The nature of terrorist attacks is their surprise and use of individuals who supposedly tin can fly beneath the surveillance radar of the authorities seeking to uncover them.Subsequent randomness and reports have linked the bombings to radix (Philpott, 2005). The developments firmness of purposeing from the occupation of Iraq, Al-Qaeda and global terrorism have changed the manner in which governments view, react and prepare for potential occurances. What happened on that fateful day could have occurred in any plain at any time, and that propensity is still open. This interrogatory will look at the afterwardwardmath of the London bombings and the events that transpired as well as the larger implications and actions that it triggered. And patch various plans where in place as a firmness of the events of 9-11, action after a lot(prenominal) an eve nt can be subject to variables that even the around prepared plan could non make contingencies for. The following will chronicle those events as well as investigations, inquiries, changes, legislation and findings made in the aftermath from wide-ranging quarters.The initial reports indicated that in that respect were six explosions which was reported as a dissolver of them occurring amongst stations, thus causing passengers to exit at points go underd to the front as well as rear of the train streaming them into two opposite directions thereby creating confusion as to the initial damage and explosion count. That development caused spare confusion for the various agencies responding to the attacks until the situation entailing three train attacks was revealed. After the initial confusion cleared it was determined that (CNN.com, 2006)The first explosion took place on the eastward Circle Line train traveling from Liverpool Street to Aldgate.Explosion number two occurred on the w estbound Circle Line train between Edgware pass and Paddington approximately.The third explosion took place on the southbound Piccadilly Line between Kings Cross Street Pancras and Russell SquareThe London Underground suspend service throughout the entire network after all trains were brought into the nearest stations thus causing massive displacement for individuals throughout the city. The Tavistock Square double up decker bus explosion delineate the final of the explosions, where it first passed by Euston as evacuees where exiting from the underground station. It had to divert its route and the final incident occurred (Rasmussen, 2005).The investigation into the bombings uncovered that the bombs went off-key as an different train was passing in the opposite direction, thus leading to the conclusion that the attacks were timed for maximum effect, however for some reason the bombers did not escape (Sky News, 2005). The investigation uncovered that there were possessions found on the bombers that aided in the identification of the attackers as they where carrying identification as well as other education that subsequently led to the discovery of their milling machinery in Leexplosive detection system where the explosive devices were made (Edwards, 2005). All of the attackers carried return rail tickets and display car park tickets front to their boarding the trains (Edwards, 2005). Further evidence to supported Edwards (2005) contention, which aligns with of the statements made by Tony Blair (2005) is illustrated by the fact that the explosive devices where contained in large sized rucksacks that could have easily been dumped, and soulal effects much(prenominal)(prenominal) as drivers licences, banking cards and other items were found on their remains further supporting his theory that they were deceived by their superiors and the bombs were sort out to explode in advance as suicide bombers customarily remove all forms of identification and links. The vastness of the discovery of the manner in which the events unfolded as well as the argumentation of the attackers was an outgrowth of the investigation into the affiliations of the attackers. The individuals involved were unknown to authorities by name, however they were caught by surveillance techniques that include a large sweep of activities thus mission them to lesser status. Through re-tracing their steps based upon the receipts found on their remains it was clear that they traveled to Luton via vehicle, and then onto London by train (Campbell and Laville, 2005). They were captured on the Kings Cross CCTV system at 830 a.m..The AftermathIn a statement released by the Rt. Hon. Paul Murphy, the MP hot seat of the United Kingdoms intuition and Security Committee, he commented as to whether there was any intelligence information that could have aided in the prevention of the attacks (Community Central, 2005). The official statement and position was if there had been ante cedent suspicions or information, then the authorities would have intervened. In all probability the audacity of the attack, even after the events if September 11th in the United States and Madrid, caught authorities by surprise even though planning for the potential of such an occurrence had been undertaken. There were and are scores of reports commenting on the probability of advance knowledge as well as one of the bombers being spotted a full year prior to the event (officialconfusion.com, 2006a). In addition to the preceding, the government is purported to have had advance knowledge that such an attack would be carried out on Londons underground through information collected by intelligence services (occificalconfusion.com 2006b). In hindsight it is flabby to shift through mountains of information that had been gathered and or observed and perplex the pieces together after the fact, but the vagueness of data, the many another(prenominal) sources and potential endings they su ggest makes foresight more than difficult.In one report, the London Metropolitan jurisprudence had contracted the common soldier company of Visor Consultants to look into planning a simulated drill concerning the potential of multiple explosive attacks being made upon the London underground system (Chossudovsky, 2005). Interestingly enough a drill simulating such an attack was being conducted at 930 that very morning with the participants having to switch in mid drill to an active status. These drills represented crisis counseling on the part of the London Metropolitan legal philosophy (Chossudovsky, 2005). The preceding indicates that the varied reports as documented by Officalconfusion.com (2006ab) and other web sites in the aftermath had some validity. As the inquiry into this aspect of the London bombings represents as important an area in crisis management procedures either mean or in place prior to the attacks and hence, further investigation is warranted.A Report to Par liament by Prime take care Blair concerning the Government answer to the intelligence operation and Security Committees Report into the London Terrorist Attacks on 7 July 2005 was presented on May 2006 (Prime Ministers Office, 2006). The Report stated that the existence of Siddeque khan was known to authorities, however his identity was not. It, the Report, also stated that Shazad Tanweer was also unknown by name, and that surveillance did pick him up through routine activity, however, since the activity was routine, no special significance was made. Said Report did indicate that the outcome of the 7 July attacks might have been prevented if the Security usefulness had come to different conclusions concerning the intelligence it gathered before the event.Blairs Report also covered the subject of the reduction of the threat level and wonderful systems which was reduced from severe general to substantial (Prime Ministers Office, 2006). The Report stated that the intelligence gat hered prior to and up to the event did not indicate the likeliness of such an occurrence, and that a high alert level reflects a substantial indicator which did not affect the certification aspects being lowered concerning transport systems. With regard to law of nature systems the Report recommended their merging information and operative systems to stand increase communication regarding strategic and national issues as represented by terrorism, with more information passed down to lower levels (Prime Ministers Office, 2006). The foregoing also indicated an increase in police community support officers from 6,300 to 16,000, with further increases through 2008 to heighten the ability to cover more intelligence areas and come back information. In conjunction with the preceding, the Security portion on with special(prenominal) Forces units have embarked on expansion putting more regional offices in place along with increased fiscal and resource support (Prime Ministers Office, 2006). Resources from the Home Office were increased by 30 million, with the level of increase rising to 60 million for the budget period 2007 through 2008 (Prime Ministers Office, 2006).European UnionOn a broader plane, the European Union implemented measures representing key priorities as a reception to the bombings in London via the Council of the European Unions antipathetic Terrorism Coordinator issued a special report concerning the Implementation of the action mechanism figure to Combat Terrorism (European Union reappearance Terrorism Coordinator, 2005). musical composition the Report was one of a regular series issued every six months as the result of an adoption by the Council of the European Union, it made special source to the London Bombings and that this Report contained a response to that event. The European Union, as the governing body for its member states and the center resource in implementing plans and planning of their behalf that takes into consideration past, present and future considerations, the Declaration of March 2004 to combat terrorism was set forth to be a priority for the European Union. As a direct outgrowth of the London bombing the Money Laundering Directive was issued and put into action, along with the Directive on Enhancing Port Security (European Union Counter Terrorism Coordinator, 2005). Additionally, Europol, Frontex and Eurotrust increased their support to the national law enforcement authorities of member nations as well as increased cooperation with national governmental agencies of other non-member nations. Specifically, the Report gave priority and urgency to the London bombings and various measures as a result of it.The vulnerability exposed by the successful terrorist attacks in London heightened the Councils sense of urgency to identify, arrest and prevent such occurances. The use of the Internet as a communications medium by terrorists was highlighted, along with their ability to obtain weapons and emp loy non-conventional explosive devices (European Union Counter Terrorism Coordinator, 2005). Such developments indicated that additional measures, techniques and strategies were makeed in the face of the preceding. New directives included the information exchange program to provide criminal record data to appropriate agencies as well as the improvement of mechanisms in consort with the preceding. The directive made it mandatory that information and cooperation be exchanged between member states along with Europol and Eurojust for all pending investigations as well as prosecutions (European Union Counter Terrorism Coordinator, 2005).Important to the preceding is the access to databases under the Schengen Information System which is to be made fully operational by 2007. Present implementations included the indorse Information System and its consolidation to permit faster detection, information, investigation and prevention by virtue of cross data access and matching (European Uni on Counter Terrorism Coordinator, 2005). A direct implementation coming out of the London bombings was the adoption of biometric identifiers for residence permits along with national identity cards. The implementation of enhanced measures for security measures regarding explosives, equipment to make bombs and firearms was also put into place (European Union Counter Terrorism Coordinator, 2005). Heightened training for police departments in terrorism, and Customs protocols were also adopted. The areas of Port security along with Airport security were increased through the adding of additional screening measures, new technologies in equipment as well as increased soulfulnessnel and surveillance systems. peril management measures were also upgraded through enhanced Civil Protection Mechanisms, along with crisis management techniques to provide guidance in pre attack, in the event of their occurrence, preparedness and aim attack response (European Union Counter Terrorism Coordinator , 2005). The London bombings resulted in the Council putting forth a plan to devise crisis coordination as a result of a special adoption of the Council made on 13 July 2005. The foregoing entailed increased information sharing in emergencies and in particular, terrorist attacks when such involves more than one member state, with such measures to be in place by June 2006 (European Union Counter Terrorism Coordinator, 2005).The importance of the foregoing is the increased funding, inter agency cooperation and information sharing for all European Union member states as well as national governments not a part of the EU.Governmental Agencies in the United KingdomThe events of 7 July 2005 involved the following agencies and departments, the Metropolitan Police Service, London harass Brigade, City of London Police, London Underground, London Ambulance Service and the Gold set up Group, MI5 as well as outside intelligence reports. MI5 represents one of the more important agencies in the preceding list and maintains a web site for reference by the general public. It provides information on response levels and threats, however no update on measures either directly taken or in shape up as a result of the 7 July bombings is available on their web site (MI5, 2006). Equally important is the Ministry of Defence which maintains a web site as well. It as well did not and does not contain any relevant information concerning departmental updates in the aftermath of the bombings (UK Ministry of Defence, 2006). The same search was conducted for The Secret Intelligence Service (2006) that yielded the like results. The preceding is understandable in that disseminating internal information regarding the conduct of affairs in relationship to measures in place or being put into place, does not represent an intelligent option. Internal measures and developments on the part of governmental agencies are secretive areas, thus new plans and activities represent aspects that are untouc hable to the public.reality sentiment and anxiety in the United Kingdom over the 7 July bombings represent an area of intense concern within the country for all of its citizens. The aftermath of this event resulted in the country developing stronger counter terrorism measures as represented by legislation (Lawson, 2005). As the attacks were carried out by native terrorists, the difficulty in preventive measures has increased dramatically as the identification means take in individuals already inside the countrys borders.The response by the Emergency Medical Service represents a major component plan that worked from the standpoint of crisis management. With a wounded total in excess of 700 people, the importance of getting medical examination psychenel to the sites, performing necessity services and transporting them to hospitals, coordinating which location was a major undertaking. The London Ambulance Service deployed vehicles throughout the four sites and had to respond ac cordingly to the level of the incident as developments became known (Heightman, 2005). A situation of this type calls for on the spot reactions, decision making and judgment.As part of speck preparedness, the London Ambulance Service had researched various plans scenarios to respond to such incidents as a result of the events of September 11th in the United States, briefings with government officials and the threat of such a disaster occurring in London as a result of the countrys participation in Iraq and the train attack in Madrid some sixteen months prior. The personnel total exceeded 250 emergency staff, supplemented by a contingency of volunteers who responded to the situation, with approximately 100 ambulances used to transfer injured individuals to various medical facilities (Heightman, 2005). The total or injured exceeded the London Ambulance Service capacity, so under the contingency plans developed, it called in aid from Bedfordshire, Kent, Essex, Herefordshire and Surrey as well as St. John Ambulance and the British Red Cross (Heightman, 2005).Per the crisis management operational plan the vehicles were staged at locations that had been planned in advance where a large contingent of vehicles could have easy access and departure. Local managers arrived at these locations to coordinated activities and schedule departures as well as points to ferry the injured to as well as aiding in making determinations of whom to carry out first and whom to treat on the scene (Heightman, 2005). In total, the London Ambulance Service oversaw the treatment of 645 individuals, of which 45 represented critical and serious injuries such as burns, amputations, fractured limbs and blast burns, with an additional 300 treated on scene and 300 ferried to various hospitals (Heightman, 2005). Working in conjunction with the London Metropolitan Police the entire operation was seamless and one of the bright spots in a day of disaster.In the immediate aftermath of the bombings th e governments COBRA crisis management team, along with the Joint Terrorism Analysis Center swung into action which combines MI5 and MI6, domestic and foreign intelligence, Government Communications Headquarters and the police together to coordinate response, investigation and management of the situation (Philpott, 2005). The entire operation went global in hours, pulling in intelligence and research from the United States, United Nations, The European Union, and other countries to inspection briefings, documents, surveillance and other materials. The inter-agency team London Resilience that was put into operation after September 11th, coordinated emergency services, wellness, fire, transport, utilities and business under its umbrella (London Resilience, 2006). London Resilience Strategic Emergency Plan represents a blueprint designed for the effective handling of crisis situations in London as a collaborative effort.The London Metropolitan Police were also prepared for the situatio n, as stated by Ian Blair, Commissioner, This is the biggest crime scene in Englands history a situation for which we have planned and prepared (Philpott, 2005). Critical in the immediate investigation of the incident where the 400,000 CCTV cameras throughout London that doed to identify the bombers at Kings Cross when they arrived. (Wikipedia, 2006). It save them splitting up and talking, and the investigation team spotted the four bombers on Monday through matching their images with documents found at the explosions (Philpott, 2005). The CCTV system was designed and developed as a result of the 1985 IRA bombings, and the trial program was so successful that it was expanded (Wikipedia, 2006). As one of the most sophisticated CCTV systems in the world, the United Kingdom has one camera for every 14 individuals when home, business, and governmental systems are added together (Wikipedia, 2006).The events of 7 July has resulted in all major cities increasing their security efforts with respect to subway bombings, however, the measure of scanning all backpacks, pocketbooks, suitcases and other carry one items is not only impractical, but impossible. gum olibanum, in the aftermath the underground system in the United Kingdom is safer, but still vulnerable, much less so than prior to the incident, but vulnerable nevertheless. In London a major impediment to more security measures on top of the additional personnel which has been put into place is fiscal. The present budget does not allow for security officer patrolling enough trains, as well as having at least one officer per station to eye scan passengers (Philpott, 2005). Funds to provide added cameras, hardening of tunnels, fences, radiation detection and incursion systems, control and command tools for security and track monitoring along with rolling stock have been estimated at 1 billion (Philpott, 2005).All in all, the emergency services, police, MI5, intelligence arms and government responded favorably to the largest incident in the countrys history, save for World War II. The planning, preparations, and coordination that the government put into place after September 11th dish outed to quickly identify the bombers, although the evidence strongly suggests that they were sacrificed in the process by devices that were timed to go off quicker than they were led to call up thus capturing them in the explosions as well (BBC News, 2005). The fact they were carrying their personal identification, bank cards, and the parking ticket points to their belief that they were deceived by their superiors (Edwards, 2005).ConclusionThe surprise nature of the bombings could not have been forecast, even in the face of the advance knowledge of the Madrid train attack, as to location, date and timing. Pre terrorist planning by the Metropolitan Police, London Ambulance Service, Fire Brigade and other governmental agencies has not been identified as being sub-standard or negligent. In a Report made to P arliament concerning the Government Response to the Intelligence and Security Committees Report into the London Terrorist Attacks on 7 July 2005, a full briefing of all of the salient facets were covered. The Security Service did pick up Shazad Tanweer and Siddeque Khan, but their name identities were unknown and they were not identified as significant participants at that time. Said Report made a number of important recommendations regarding the merging of police systems along with increasing police community support officers to heighten departmental capabilities in the future which were enacted. Additionally allocation increases for the police budget were immediately granted.The blasts also prompted the Council of the European Union to adopt a number of measures concerning intra country intelligence and cooperation protocols. The Declaration of March 2004 to combat terrorism was set forth to be a priority for the European Union. Money laundering,, enhanced Port and Airport securit y measures were increased and various agencies were provided with directives to devise increased security and cooperation methods and measures. The Council Report also increased Civil Protection Mechanisms, crisis management and pre attack preparedness. The London Ambulance Service performed admirably in response to the attack handling in excess of 600 patients and coordinating the activities of a number of regional ambulances services and volunteer units to effectively ferry the injured to hospitals. Their performance lessened the loss of live and was a bright spot in an otherwise dreadful historic day.Internal security measures and inter agency cooperation has been enhanced in the aftermath of the attacks to better coordinate activities in the pre terrorist phase through investigation, detainment and arrest. The system has prevented two such occurances and continues to seek ways to improve upon their operational standards. Thanks to the 400,000 police CCTV cameras in operation in the target area, visual identification was made in short order, resulting in arrests as well as the discovery of the factory where the devices were made.The lessons learned from the 7 July attacks represented severe and costly teachings that the country as well as European Union and the United states have taken to heart. It again provided evidence regarding the need to be ever vigilant in techniques, surveillance and preemptive action to prevent occurances of this type in the future. The loss of live by civilians represents an unacceptable price in a battle of idealism that encompasses the quest of a small group, Al-Qaeda, to impose its will on nations.BibliographyAltermedia.info (2005) Who benefits from the London Bombings? Retrieved on 6 celestial latitude 2006 from http//us.altermedia.info/news-of-interest-to-white-people/who-benefits-from-the-london-bombings_1033.htmlBBC News (2005) Police hunt bomb team accomplices. 15 July 2005. Retrieved on 9 December 2006 from http//news.bbc .co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/4684869.stmBBC.co.uk (2006) What happened on 7 July? Retrieved on 6 December 2006 from http//news.bbc.co.uk/cbbcnews/hi/newsid_5140000/newsid_5147000/5147004.stmCampbell, D., Laville, S. (2005) British suicide bombers carried out London attacks, say Police. 13 July 2005. Retrieved on 7 December 2006 from http//www.guardian.co.uk/attackonlondon/story/0,16132,1527404,00.htmlChossudovsky, M. (2005) Fictional 7/7 scenario of multiple bomb attacks on Londons subway. 11 August 2005. Retrieved on 7 December 2006 from http//www.lonelantern.org/london_terror_drills.htmlCommunity Central (2005) Report into the London terrorist attacks on 7 July 2005 published. 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(2005) The London Bombing Fallout Negotiating Public Anxiety and Political Gain. 28 October 2005.Centre for Social Change query, Queensland University of TechnologyLondon Resilience (2006) London Prepared. Retrieved on 9 December 2006 from http//www.londonprepared.gov.uk/MI5 (2006) This is the official website of the UK Security Service. Retrieved on 8 December 2006 from http//www.mi5.gov.uk/output/Page2.htmlOfficalconfusion.com (2006a) Bomber Spotted a Y ear Before July 7. Retrieved on 7 December 2006 from http//www.infowars.net/officia/77/priorknow/surveillance/230106timesspottedyearbefore.htmlOfficialconfusion.com (2006b) Spies Warned of Tube Attack. Retrieved on 7 December 2006 from http//www.infowars.net/officia/77/priorknow/surveillance/181205timesspieswarnedofattack.htmlPhilpott, D. (2005) The London Bombings New Evidence Points t Al-Qaeda and a New Terror Campaign. Homeland Defense Journal, Special ReportPrime Ministers Office (2006) Government Response to the Intelligence and Security Committees Report into the London Terrorist Attacks on 7 July 2005. May 2006. Retrieved on 6 December 2006 from http//news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/11_05_06_isc_london_attacks_report_govt.pdfRassmussen, M. (2005) Some Thoughts on the London Bombs. Vo. 4, Issue 9. Strategic InsightsSecret Intelligence Service (2006) The Official Secret Intelligence Service Website. Retrieved on 8 December 2006 from http//www.sis.gov.uk/output/Page79.htmlSk y News (2005) Interview with Sir Ian Blair. 24 July 2005. Retrieved on 7 December 2006 from http//www.skynewstranscripts.co.uk/transcript.asp?id=117UK Ministry of Defence (2006) Home Web Page. Retrieved on 8 December 2006 from http//www.mod.uk/DefenceInternet/Home/Wikipedia (2006) Closed Circuit television. Retrieved onWhy is Disability Viewed as a Social Problem?Why is Disability Viewed as a Social Problem?TO WHAT EXTENT IS THE SOCIAL PROBLEM THAT IS DISABILITY A MATTER OF PRIVATE reside FOR THE FAMILY?Disability excites interest because harm is seen as a social job i.e. it is seen either in terms of personal tragedy or of blame. Social problems hark back public concern and cliquish misery and call for collective action to remedy this (Worsley, 1972). Disability has been theorised in a number of different ways, most of which locate the problem in the individual rather than the broader social, political, and economic influences. This has implications for the location of the bla me for social problems, such that they become depoliticised. The rise in the idea of the politics of minority groups is well documented and implies that in the case of people with disabilities who are unable to work the Government should provide a whole range of services.Because most Governments are unwilling to commit themselves this far, handicap is again defined as a social problem, and often the burden of care lies with the family (Moore, 2002). This paper will ante up an account of definitions of disability and the ways in which they impact on disable people. There will be an exploration of the concept and history of the family and its contemporary diverse forms, and an examination of the ways in which the ideology of the family has problematised the concept of care. The paper will then assess how the family has been implicated in both solving and defining the problem of disability and to what extent the social problem that is disability is a matter of private concern for f amilies.Models of DisabilityThe medical simulate of health is the most powerful in western society, doctors introduced a curative prototype of health that concentrated on the body where the hospital became the space for such models were put into come (Walsh et al, 2000). This model situates ill health in the individual and ignores the social circumstances that may give rise to ill health, furthermore it has impacted on government healthcare form _or_ system of government throughout the twentieth vitamin C. The situation is exacerbated by the medicalisation of many conditions making them into a problem that can only be addressed by experts, as Brisenden(1986) commentsThe problem is that medical people tend to see all difficulties solely from the perspective of proposed treatments for a patient, without recognising that the individual has to weigh up whether this treatment fits into the overall economy of their life. In the past especially, doctors have been too willing to sugge st medical treatment and hospitalisation, even when this would not necessarily improve the quality of life for the person concerned. Indeed, questions around the quality of life have sometimes been portrayed as something of an intrusion upon the pu aver medical equation. (Brisenden, 1986176).The medical model leads to the treatment of people with disabilities as inactive objects of medical attention. This is oppressive of disabled people and spreads to other social relationships, it sees disability as pathological i.e. rooted in a persons biology, and thus unchanging. Contained within this model is the perception of people with disabilities as problematic. Disability has also been theorized as a personal tragedy, resulting in individuals with a disability being seen as victims. This results in indemnity making whereby people with disabilities need compensating for their disability.This model also affects social relationships. The view of disability as personal tragedy individuali ses disability so that it becomes depoliticised and the disabled person must make his or her adjustments to that disability as best they can (Dalley, 1990). In locating disability within the individual society denies any indebtedness to cater for the diversity of their needs (Oliver, 1990). The third way in which disability has been theorized is in the social model of disability. This model is becoming increasingly dominating in research on disability. Vassey (1992) has described it thusredefining disability in terms of a disabling environment, repositioning disabled people as citizens with rights, and reconfiguring the responsibilities for creating, sustaining and overcoming disablism (Vassey, 199244)..Here the person is disabled because of the refusal of society to provide for example suitable access for the wheelchair user. This model stresses that a disabling society leads to the exclusion of people with disabilities. Oliver (1996) contends that this supposition has been poli tically empowering for disabled people, and has allowed a previously contested notion to develop an agenda that has influenced policy making. Some people see disability as entirely a result of social structures and processes while others feel that society compounds the difficulties that disabled people encounter. Disability is not a ecumenic category, people have different types and degrees of impairment, some can function well with technical aids while still others are, to a greater or lesser degree, dependent on the care of other people (Dalley, 1988).The Concept and History of the FamilyParsons (1955) argued that the family is the primary place of socialization and serves to introduce and instill the norms and values of society. Parsons model was what is commonly known as the atomic family, i.e. parents and children quick together to provide the mutual love and support that individuals need to be productive members of society (Giddens, 2001). Murdock (1949 cited in Giddens, 20 01) maintains that tralatitious concepts of the family are a universal phenomenon. Others criticise the nuclear model for being too narrow and for neglecting the fact that not all family members experience life in the same way (Abbott and Wallace, 1997).Whether the nuclear family is regarded as universal depends more often than not on how the family is defined, certainly it is no longer the norm in contemporary society. Gittins (1993) maintains that there are a wide variety of domestic relationships. Thus relationships may be universal but the forms they take can be infinitely variable. There are many single parent families, whether through death, disassociate or choice, there are also second marriages that often result in reconstituted families. The nuclear model relates specifically to nineteenth and early twentieth century ideological views of the family (Giddens, 2001).The Family and IdeologyUntil the late seventeenth century there was little or no distinction between the pub lic and the private sphere, families generally worked the land and they did this together. The rise of industrialization and the growth of the towns brought massive changes to what had constituted family life up until that time. Feminists argue that for centuries women have been the subordinate sex in society and this subordination is largely a result of the fact that they have been born women rather than men. This subordination increased with industrialisation and the separation between public and private spheres (Oakley 1982).The coming of the factory meant that the family was replaced as the unit of production. The growing dependence of children, Oakley (1982) states, led to womens increased dependence on men and their restriction to the private sphere. Throughout the nineteenth century there was a growing idealisation of the feminine. Women were regarded as both physically and emotionally weaker than men and unfit for the same roles.Victorian ideology said that women were create d to help men and should thus remain at home. This primarily affected the middle course of studyes but as the century progressed the working class were also influenced by this ideology, locking women into the lady of the house role (Oakley, 1982). Murdock (1949 in Giddens, 2001) argued that gender roles are the natural result of the biological differences between men and women. Mens superior strength and womens childbearing capabilities make the sexual socio-economic class of labour the most sensible way of organising society.Delphy (1977) maintains that this results in sexual inequality. Gender differences are not innate but socially constructed to serve the interests of the socially dominant group. Delphy contends that women are a separate class because the categories of man and woman are political and economic, rather than eternal biological categories. Within the family particularly, women form a class who are exploited by men, as Delphy statesWhile the wage-labourer sells hi s labour power, the marrie woman gives hers away exclusivity and non-payment are intimately connected. To supply unpaid labour within the example of a universal and personal relationship (marriage) constructs primarily a relationship of slavery (Delpy, 197715). This relationship has been exploited by successive Governments and is implicit in many social policy initiatives.The Family and the Welfare StateThe post-war welfare state which promised universal welfare provision, was set up on the assumption of full employment and the notion that men would go out to work while women stayed home (Abbott and Wallace, 1997).. Moore (2002) maintains that this is an ideological view of the family and how it might function. In the late 1970s the Tories actively discouraged alternatives to the traditional family e.g. cohabitation and gay partnerships (Abbott and Wallace, 1997). Since the Thatcher Government public and policy debates on family life, parenting and health have centered around the i dea of business (Such and Walker 2004) Moore (2002) maintains that in the thinking of the mid-seventies and also in Labours Third Way, family members have a duty to help each other as it is not the job of the state to look after them.The state takes over when no-one else is around to share the burden. The fact that the State has had to intervene, it is argued, is one of the reasons why the traditional family is on the decline. In a good society members should help each other without regard to personal benefit. The State should be there to provide a safety net when there is no other help available. New Labour advocate a mixed economy of welfare where welfare is provided in part by the state and partly by private companies operating for profit.The shift from public to private has received much publicity and contributed to social problems and to social exclusion. Previously highly subsidized, or universal, services have either become part of the private sector, or have been subject t o means testing, some welfare provision has been handed over to voluntary organizations. This has increased the likelihood that welfare and caring are now a private rather than a public responsibility (Giddens, 2001). This tends to stigmatise further those who are forced to rely on benefits, e.g. the disabled and their carers, usually women.The State and Womens Caring RoleMarxist feminists e.g. Walby (1990) argue that the gender ideology that has filtered down to the working classes has affected their solidarity as a class and this makes them more easily controllable by the Capitalist system. While Marxism gives an explanation of exploitation by the capitalist system it does not explain the inequalities between women and men. Delphy (1977) maintains that gender and sexual inequality should be the fundamental categories of feminist analysis. Marxism alone does not explain for example why women are seen as responsible for habitation tasks. Capitalism could still profit if men stayed at home. The Community Care Act of 1990 has imposed further responsibilities on women in the role of informal carers.Dalley (1988) argues that much Governments policy making has been based on ideologies of caring with the assumptions behind the idea of community care being based on outmoded notions of the family. In practice this notion of caring disadvantages women carers and also many disabled or older dependent relatives. Within such an ideology, the caring that women do in the home is considered to be a natural part of womens role within the family. Thus, her caring role become invisible and shouldering the burden increases the likelihood that women will themselves be in need of care (Graham, 1993).This is borne out by the increasing number of women who suffer from disabilities and mental health problems. Womens caring role is further undermined by the idea that any health care that matters is given by professionals. When this is accompanied by Government discourses of self-help , self-reliance and the responsibility of the family this adds to the social stigma that disabled people face. It focuses on the disability, not the person themselves, inevitably this places an added strain on families. The prevalence of the medical model of health and the ways in which families are kept under-informed regarding the disability of a family member, particularly a child, affects family relationships. Gregory (1991) maintains that when a person is diagnosed as diabled this affects the ways in which society and the family respond to and deal with that person.Families themselves can tend to see the disabled family member as redact and different. Gregory (1991) found that having a disabled family member also affected the way in which mothers viewed themselves because ideological images of motherhood focus on having an able child. Thus a woman may feel that she is somehow not a mother because of the ways in which society defines motherhood. imperativeness reports on disab led children and their families usually present them in terms of sacrifice and heroism (Gregory, 1991). This can affect family members response to the disabled person, their forced reliance on the medical model, and the view of disability as a tragedy becomes universalized. This misses the individuals personal needs and circumstances. It seems that increasingly the social problem of disability is becoming a matter of private concern for the family. The NHS appears to take this view. While doctors may diagnose a physical or learning disability families are often left to cope without either sufficient information or professional help. In a number of cases families have reported that hospitals have refused to admit non-emergency cases unless a parent or carer remains on site to provide additional support (http//www.cafamily.org.uk/rda-uk.html). A shortage of nursing staff and the increasing tendency to perform surgery on a day care behind means that many families are left with extra c aring responsibilities once they take the disabled child or adult home. (http//www.cafamily.org.uk/rda-uk.html).ConclusionIdeologies of the family and the medical model of disability exacerbate the social problems of disability. Discourses of family responsibility place a much greater burden on many people, particularly women who bear the burden of responsibility of care. Such discourses tend to make women who find it difficult to cope feel that they are a failure. This in turn reflects back on the disabled person who may feel that they are a burden. Clearly current policies and debates over partnership between the Government and families and family responsibility is moving closer to the view that disability is no longer a public concern but a private family one. Dalley (1988) argue that some form of institutional care e.g. supported living should replace care in the family. While there are support structures in place for people with disabilities, the extent to which informal carers have access to such facilities is very limited (Baldwin and Twigg, 1990).. Perhaps supported living arrangements along with family involvement in personal care would, arguably, take some strain off of the family and give more independence to the person with disabilities thus making the social problem of disability a shared public and private concern rather than apparently a concern for the family.BibliographyAbbott, P. and Wallace, C. 1997. An Introduction to Sociology Feminist Perspectives. 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